Why We Don’t Trust Driverless Cars — Even When We Should

This article was originally published in Harvard Business Review and co-authored with Kartik Hosanagar, a professor at the Wharton School.

On May 7th, 2016, Joshua Brown, a 40-year-old entrepreneur and technology enthusiast from Canton, Ohio, was sitting behind the wheel of his Tesla Model S sedan when a tractor-trailer turned across his path. The Tesla, which was engaged in its self-driving Autopilot mode, failed to register the white tractor-trailer against the bright, sunny Florida sky. Mr. Brown also didn’t engage the brakes in time. His Tesla crashed into the truck at 74 miles per hour, killing him almost instantly.

More than 30,000 people are killed each year in car crashes in the United States. In 90% of crashes, human error is to blame. And so most experts agree that self-driving car technology will reduce the number of crashes and fatalities. Self-driving cars, Adrienne LaFrance writes in The Atlantic, could save up to 1.5 million lives just in the United States and close to 50 million lives globally in the next 50 years. Yet in a March 2016 poll by the American Automobile Association, 75% of respondents said they are not ready to embrace self-driving cars.

Driving a car is one of the most personal – and dangerous – things we do. It’s understandable that people are skeptical of handing over their keys to a faceless algorithm and sitting back for the ride. When you think of the word “algorithm,” you might picture a computer crunching numbers according to a formula or following a pre-programmed sequence of steps. But algorithms have come a long way in the last decade: they can take in data, learn, and generate more sophisticated versions of themselves. They can even drive a car.

We rely upon algorithms for many of our decisions and actions, from low-risk activities such as deciding what to watch on Netflix or buy on Amazon to high-stakes decisions such as how we should invest our savings. We are even OK with autopilot features controlling our airplanes. This current skepticism for self-driving cars thus raises a question: Why do we trust algorithms in some cases, but not in others?

Our Selective Trust in Algorithms

Humans aren’t always algorithmically averse.  Research conducted by one of us (Kartik) on automated product recommendation algorithms, such as Amazon’s “People Who Bought X also bought Y,” found that people like algorithmic recommendations and often follow their advice. For example, in one recent study conducted with professor Dokyun Lee at Carnegie Mellon University, we randomly assigned consumers at a top-five online retailer in Canada to either a treated group that received algorithmic recommendations or a control group that received no recommendations. We found that the algorithmic recommendations drove a 25% increase in the number of products viewed by consumers and a 35% increase in products purchased. In additional research, we found that the influence of recommendation algorithms on choices is greater for hedonic products – characterized by pleasure-oriented consumption (e.g., movies, perfume, art pieces) – than for utilitarian products wherein consumption is motivated by functional need (e.g., paper clips, dishwashing agents and vacuum cleaners).

In another study, we found that even randomly generated product recommendations were able to drive a modest increase in purchases when the recommendations were labeled as personalized – perhaps a placebo effect. A post-experiment survey revealed that consumer trust with the random product recommender was no lower than with a sophisticated and personalized recommendation engine. Beyond product recommendations, the rapid growth of “robo-advisors” like Wealthfront and Betterment show that people are willing to trust algorithms for important investment decisions that were previously done by human experts.

Yet, there are important ways in which product recommendations, investment management and driverless cars are different. These differences relate to the level of subjectivity in judgment, types of users targeted by these systems and the level of user control in decision-making. Jennifer Logg, a researcher at the University of California at Berkeley, designed four studies to figure out why we sometimes mistrust algorithms despite our growing dependence on them. In the first study, participants made two estimates about the weight of a person in a photograph. The first estimate was based on participants’ own judgment. For the second estimate, participants were given advice: some were given an estimate from other people and others saw an estimate generated by an algorithm. Logg was able to measure the extent to which participants trusted an algorithm more than other people based on how the participants’ estimates changed between the first and second guesses.

For estimates and predictions that have a correct and verifiable answer – not only a person’s weight, but also questions like which movie would top the box office or the probability of a certain world political event – Logg found that people are more likely to trust estimates from algorithms than from other people. In another study from the same series – where participants identified what questions they would entrust to an algorithm vs. human advisors – Logg demonstrated that people trust human advisors over algorithms for more subjective decisions. That people trust algorithms for more objective decisions, and trust them less for subjective ones, is not surprising. However, Logg found that trust in algorithms depends not just on the matter at hand, but also on individual characteristics: people with higher numerical literacy trusted the algorithm estimate more than people with lower numerical literacy.

While it is hard to generalize Logg’s findings on prediction tasks to driverless cars, they do point to an interesting theory: Could it be that people are hesitant about self-driving cars because they view driving as a more subjective, personal experience? And rather than advertising the self-driving capabilities to the broader market, is it more prudent to target people who have greater comfort with math and science – and by extension, technology?

Of course, most technological advances are first embraced by the scientific and technological elite. These early adopters work out the kinks and make the technology understandable to the general public. But the magnitude of technological advancement that self-driving cars represent – a total replacement of human control with algorithmic machine control – might be uniquely vulnerable to setbacks like the one facing Tesla at the moment.

Consider the findings described by our colleagues at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania: Berkeley Dietvorst, Joseph Simmons, and Cade Massey. Their research showed that people lose confidence in algorithms much more than in human forecasters when they observe the two make the same mistake. Furthermore, people were less likely to choose an algorithm over a human forecaster even if the algorithm outperformed the human on the whole. In short, we are not very forgiving of mistakes made by algorithms even if we make the same mistakes more often. The implication is chilling for self-driving car manufacturers and proponents: People might rapidly lose trust in the technology if there are enough incidents like the one involving the Tesla, even when the technology is proven to be safer in the aggregate. Early fatalities could turn the general public against self-driving cars very quickly. Manufacturers have to think harder about when and how to introduce driverless features.

Dietvorst, Simmons and Massey did find some good news for algorithms that make mistakes: In another study the authors report that participants were more accepting of algorithmic errors and more likely to choose to use an algorithm over a human when they could modify its forecasts. In the study, participants were asked to predict students’ standardized test scores based on nine data points. Then they could choose how much to rely on an imperfect algorithm. The participants who could modify the algorithm were much more likely to rely on the algorithm than participants who could not modify the algorithm. Even more encouragingly, the authors found that people didn’t care how many modifications they could make: they just wanted to have some control over the algorithm. The implication for self-driving cars is hopeful: If people are given the chance to control some aspects of the driving experience and decision making – such as the speed or route – then people might be more inclined to let cars do the driving themselves. But removing personal decision-making from the process entirely, as Google and many automakers have decided to do, might be met with skepticism among customers.

As Artificial Intelligence (AI) advances and deep learning – a branch of machine learning that aims to recreate the actual processes of neurons in the brain – matures, algorithms will run a greater share of our lives. That said, skepticism about Tesla’s self-driving vehicle only shows that good technology alone does not ensure success. AI and smart algorithms need to be introduced in ways that win trust and confidence of their human users.

Making Value a Priority

This paper was originally published in a scientific journal called the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences and co-authored with John Kimberly, a professor at the Wharton School. Just the abstract is below, but you can find the full article here.

The world of health care is changing dramatically, as reflected in the number, magnitude, and scope of innovative new approaches—to how illness is treated and how better health is promoted—that are being implemented around the globe. The changes triggered by these initiatives affect both how care is organized, managed, and paid for and the kinds of approaches that are being developed to keep people healthy. Underlying these changes is a more fundamental paradigm shift, a shift in the priority given to “value” in the formulation of policy and management practice. This brief essay highlights five trends that are central in this shift: increasing emphasis on health promotion, movement toward value-based payment, advances in digital/mobile technology, exploitation of big data, and changes in support for biomedical research. Each of these has its own value controversies, and the individual impact of each is impossible to predict. Collectively, however, their impact is likely to be significant. [Full Article]

Transportation Shouldn’t Be a Barrier to Health Care

This op-ed was originally published for Stat News, a healthcare-focused outlet started by the Boston Globe.

Transportation issues shouldn’t prevent anyone from getting to or from a doctor’s appointment. But they do just that for an estimated 3.6 million Americans. Some of these individuals don’t have cars or access to public transportation. Others can’t afford taxis or Ubers.

Take the case of Greg, who lives in Fairfax, Va. (His name has been changed to protect his identity; this story is used with his permission.) Three years ago, at age 64, he found himself without a job and living in a friend’s basement. Diagnosed with diabetes, Greg struggled to keep up with his medications. Without a car or access to good public transportation, he couldn’t see his doctor often enough for the exams, test, and self-management education he needed.

He eventually needed to be admitted to the emergency room, where doctors found that he had developed peripheral neuropathy, a complication of diabetes that can occur when the disease is not properly managed. Two of Greg’s toes had to be amputated. That hospitalization and its awful consequences might have been avoided with a few low-cost rides to the doctor before his problems worsened.

This simple issue — not being able to find or afford a ride — turns into an enormous hidden costs for patients, caregivers, providers, insurers, and taxpayers alike. Missed appointments and the resulting delays in care cost our health system an extra $150 billion each year.

In theory, help is available. Medicaid programs spend $3 billion nationwide a year on something called non-emergency medical transportation (NEMT). It is intended to help low-income and disabled individuals get to and from their appointments. Medicaid contracts with different brokers from state to state, sometimes county to county, and these brokers subcontract rides to hundreds of local transportation companies.

But the NEMT system is broken. Some of the local van fleets and cab services aren’t equipped with modern technology such as GPS tracking or automated dispatch. Others provide shoddy service that has been described as“nightmarish.” What’s more, $3 billion a year isn’t nearly enough to provide rides to all of the Medicaid beneficiaries who need them.

As the cofounder of an organization that aims to address these transportation barriers to care, I see or hear about how these problems affect real people each and every day. In Detroit, a contractor routinely shut off its phone lines at 5 p.m., leaving sick and elderly people — including a 79-year-old cancer patient — stranded at appointments without rides back home. In Connecticut, a contractor was hit with civil rights violation complaints for transporting immune-compromised children with cancer in the same van with other sick passengers.

A company in Milwaukee received thousands of complaints about late or no-show rides for cancer, dialysis, and other medical appointments. In a New Jersey surveyof NEMT users, more than half of the respondents said they had “missed appointments, feared for their safety during transit, or suffered harassment, disrespect, or other indignities at the hands of the drivers.”

Even though the system is broken at many levels and there are no easy fixes, we can’t turn our backs on the problem. Earlier this summer, the National Patient Advocate Foundation organized a policy consortium entitled “Transportation: The Road to Nowhere for Too Many Patients.” It convened patient navigators, policy makers, and innovators from across the nation to take a hard look at the issue and brainstorm solutions.

One key take-home message was that improving and expanding NEMT programs, possibly with public-private partnerships between state Medicaid agencies and emerging technology platforms, such as Uber and Lyft, would be good for the nation’s health and our health care spending.

Investing in a streamlined, modernized NEMT program makes sense. Anevaluation of Florida’s NEMT program found that the state would save $11.08 for every dollar invested if just 1 of every 100 subsidized rides prevented an individual from being hospitalized due to missed or delayed doctors’ appointments. If those savings can be achieved in a fragmented program, imagine what would happen if the program actually worked well.

My organization, Ride Health, isn’t waiting to find out. Instead, we are focused on using widely available on-demand ride technology to help connect the dots between patients, providers, insurers, and drivers. We aren’t alone — health systems, transportation companies and insurers across the country are developing innovative new models and partnerships to address the challenge.

It will take a village to help millions of patients, some of them in hard-to-reach locations, overcome the transportation barriers they face today. We hope that these efforts will make it easier for vulnerable and chronically ill patients to reach care; enable providers who are paid based on their patients’ outcomes to address this social determinant of health; lower the cost of care for insurers; and benefit drivers who tend to see fewer requests for rides during the day.

All Americans should have access to timely care. Lack of transportation shouldn’t be a barrier, especially for those who need it most.

Imran Cronk is a cofounder of Ride Health, an organization that helps health care providers coordinate solutions for patients who face transportation barriers.

Managing Population Health and Managing to Stay in Business

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

Dr. Grace Terrell, President and CEO of Cornerstone Health Care, recently visited LDI and shared her experience of directing a physician-led health system through health care reform. Terrell, a primary care physician and a good Southern storyteller, told us about ‘Julia’, her patient of more than 20 years:

Julia had just gotten a huge medical bill [from] this place in the local community that could cure all sorts of knee pain and back pain. What she got was a $1,500 bill that her exchange product paid about 60 percent of, for care she absolutely did not need. It was unnecessary, expensive, inappropriate care at the wrong place, for the wrong price, at the wrong time. Unfortunately, that’s the way a lot of health care is still in this country. The story of our organization is confronting that and dealing with that and trying to innovate around that in the middle of being in just a regular old medical practice.

Cornerstone began in 1995 as a multidisciplinary group of 42 physicians in 15 practices in central North Carolina. It focused on early adoption of new technology and practice innovations, including: electronic medical records in 2005; weekend hours in consolidated, multi-specialty facilities in 2007; and certification of its primary care practices as so-called “medical homes” in 2008. In 2015, Cornerstone had a high national rank among Medicare Shared Savings Program participants, and its spinoff CHESS has been selected to become a Next Generation ACO.  More than 300 physicians are now part of the group.

Gauging from her storytelling, Terrell is clearly passionate about designing new models of care to deliver greater value in health care. Some examples of Cornerstone’s initiatives:

  • Cornerstone invested in population health analytics software and reached out to patients who had lost touch with their doctor. According to Terrell, Cornerstone had “better results with blood pressure, cholesterol and blood sugar from just this one maneuver than we had from hiring our new endocrinologist at $300,000 a year!”
  • In a “look at the whole picture approach”, Cornerstone set up two clinics with an internist, a nurse practitioner, a care navigator, behavioral medicine specialist and a pharmacist.
  • Cornerstone established a heart function clinic with embedded behavioral services since “the number one indicator for heart failure readmission to the hospital is actually depression.”
  • In its oncology clinic, Cornerstone embedded a general internist who could preserve continuity of care for patients’ medical needs beyond cancer.
  • For Medicare and Medicaid dual eligibles, Cornerstone created a concierge practice with full assessment of psychiatric needs.
  • To support the neediest and sickest patients, Cornerstone built an extensivist practice with a focus on medication management.

Unstable Finances
However, the outcomes they achieved did not translate into a stable financial base. Terrell observes: “It has been an up-and-down, yin-yang experience for our organization where the finances have never been there as we had thought they were going to be…The payers have never been as quick to move as we thought they were going to move.”

For much of the past year, Cornerstone has been “trying to keep the place open and pay the lights and doing things like pay chemo bills and things like that…It required a significant amount of working with the physicians who said ‘we thought this was going to work by now.’” In early 2016, Cornerstone was acquired as a wholly-owned subsidiary of Wake Forest Baptist Medical Center, an academic medical center based in Winston-Salem, NC. It will continue to operate as a separate business unit.

Looking ahead, Terrell ties up her story about ‘Julia’: “I don’t know where the rest of things are going, but I do know it’s the right thing to do. We’ve got an incredible problem in this country: a sixth of our economy is giving health care to one another. We don’t invest in anything else much, and we don’t give good care – or we give care like we did to Julia. The $1,500 got spent on something of absolutely no value, when she’s having all sorts of other medical issues that are not being addressed because we haven’t had the infrastructure to do it.”

Health Equity Symposium Features Fiery Carmona

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

Penn’s Second Annual Martin Luther King, Jr. Health Equity Symposium drew attention to the importance of inclusion and diversity in medical education and research on both a national and local level.  A panel of Penn faculty, including several LDI Senior Fellows, directly confronted the barriers to inclusion at Penn, and Dr. Richard Carmona, 17th Surgeon General of the United States, shared a detailed account of his rise from an impoverished Hispanic family in Harlem, New York to the prestigious post as the “doctor for the nation” in the Bush administration.

Dr. Eve J. Higginbotham, Vice Dean for Inclusion and Diversity, introduced the panel, and Dr. Jerry Johnson, Chief of Geriatric Medicine and Director of the Center of Excellence for Diversity in Health Education and Research moderated the group. Each panelist gave her perspective on the importance of diversity, barriers to progress, and possible solutions.

  • Dr. Tiffani J. Johnson from the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia explained how the “leaky pipeline” prevents underrepresented minority students from advancing through the ranks of medical school to residency to junior and tenured faculty. Part of the issue, she said, is our implicit bias against racial minorities that lies “below the surface, but may influence behavior.” While racial bias is well-documented in the business and academic worlds, Johnson shared evidence that pro-white and anti-black racial bias exists among physicians for both adult and pediatric patients. She suggested that implicit racial bias could be mitigated through “positive black priming” and increasing interactions between people of different races.
  • Dr. Jaya Aysola from the Perelman School of Medicine discussed the factors contributing to a culture of inclusion (and lack of inclusion) at Penn Medicine. Her research has found significant variation in experience according to gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. In particular, women, LGBTQ, black, Hispanic, and multi-ethnic individuals perceive a lower “cultural competence” at Penn. Aysola called for identifying and improving factors within Penn’s organizational system and culture.
  • Dr. C. Neill Epperson from the Penn Center for Research on Sex and Gender in Health challenged the audience to think about diversity and inclusion among medical and health services researchers. She shared data indicating that low institutional support, low values alignment, low inclusion and low self-efficacy made people more likely to leave their institution – and that underrepresented minorities experience these issues at high rates. To address the barriers faced by younger researchers, she pointed to solutions such as on-site daycare and more progressive parental leave policies.
  • Dr. Shreya Kangovi, founding executive director of thePenn Center for Community Health Workers explained how the community health worker model can improve access and quality of care, improve patient activation and mental health, and reduce readmissions. The Penn CHW center delivers care to 1,500 patients per year and has advised more than 500 organizations who also want to develop a program. Kangovi related a story that captured the value of using CHWs as preceptors for medical students in low-resource environments: “30-year old, no family, uninsured and taking street Xanax. You automatically think: difficult patient. We walked in and [CHW] was like oh my god, your hair is so cute! The patient got this big smile on her face and started talking to us. My whole impression of her just changed.”

In his closing remarks, Dr. Richard H. Carmona talked about his journey from a poor Hispanic family in Harlem, New York to the U.S. Surgeon General position in the Bush administration from 2002-2006. His tenure is notable for hislandmark report on the harms of secondhand smoke and his subsequent criticism of the Bush administration for suppressing his public communications related to stem cell research, contraception and climate change.

Dr. Carmona delivered a passionate call for greater efforts to reduce inequities in health. After recounting “sobering” statistics about health inequities between blacks and whites—including how black women are 2.5 times more likely to die during pregnancy—he discussed how racial inequities pervaded every aspect of his agenda as Surgeon General. During his term, he grew to believe that the issue was one that we could neither ignore nor escape from.

“Martin Luther King recognized these injustices and inequities,” said Carmona. “He understood the social determinants of health — how all of these things lead to bad outcomes. When people don’t have access, when they don’t understand, what they can’t make informed decisions on what they need to pursue optimal health and wellness.” Carmona also called out Congress for delaying progress.

 Congress remains divided and fights over this because, ‘Well, we don’t want another welfare program.’ Well, neither do I. I want to empower people. […] If we don’t do something about these disparities, injustices and so on, the disease and economic burden we will leave our children is unsustainable.

Whether you have a heart, or whether you’re just a smart businessman, we have compelling reasons to start interceding aggressively to eradicate these disparities.

The audience responded with a standing ovation at the end of his talk. You can hear a clip here.

The Third Annual Martin Luther King, Jr. Health Equity Symposium will take place on Monday, January 25, 2017 and will feature a keynote address from Dr. Antonia Novello, the fourteenth Surgeon General of the United States, who served from 1990-1993.

Diversity in the Health Professions: a ‘Leaky Pipeline’

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

Despite decades of calls for increased representation of minorities in the health professions workforce, we are very far away from a workforce that reflects this nation’s diversity. Underrepresented minorities make up 31% of the general population, but just 15% of medical school students and 13% of dental students. A new study helps us understand the barriers minority college students face in pursuing medical and dental careers.

In Academic Medicine, Brandi Freeman and colleagues, including LDI Senior Fellows Judy Shea and David Grande, report on focus groups they conducted with undergraduates from minority backgrounds that are underrepresented in medicine, including Blacks, Latinos, and Native Americans. The one-hour focus groups, involving 82 diverse students across 11 colleges, highlighted several challenges: inadequate institutional resources for academic success and clinical opportunities; strained personal resources such as lack of financial resources or familial pressure; inadequate guidance and mentoring to assist with key career decisions; and societal barriers such as work-life balance concerns or job uncertainty.

The quotes from the focus groups illustrate the challenges, insecurities and uncertainties that these students face:

…somebody else who never worked—had to work for anything and their parents paid for all their college, it’s their GPA is obviously going to be higher because all they had to focus on was school.

It’s kind of a disadvantage almost if you don’t have family that—or someone that will let you come into their workplace and follow them around. […] For people who don’t have that as an option, it makes us look bad.

I feel kind of lost. I know I want to be there, but I just don’t know how to get there.

What happens if you never get matched, I guess? Because that’s a possibility and you don’t go through residency, so you’re stuck with an MD who can’t practice medicine.

The focus groups were conducted as part of the Tour for Diversity in Medicine, an effort from underrepresented minority physicians and dentists to encourage students of diverse backgrounds to pursue careers in the health professions. The focus group approach to understanding root causes of the “leaky pipeline” is important, the authors say, since past studies have relied on quantitative data such as academic achievement, focused on a single institution, or captured perspectives from minority students who have already become health professionals. This new study is more qualitative, involves multiple institutions across the nation, and captures the undergraduate perspective.

The authors suggest that external programs, such as the Summer Medical Education Program(SMDEP), can strengthen support for students at resource-limited institutions. To address strained personal resources and familial barriers, the authors recommend educating families at the high school level to familiarize them with the medical training process at an earlier stage. At a higher level, the authors suggest that policy changes, such as regulation of medical resident work hours, can change perceptions of work-life balance.

Increasing the diversity of the workforce is important because health professionals from underrepresented backgrounds disproportionately serve minority and other medically underserved populations. In addition, minority patients tend to receive better care from practitioners of their own race or ethnicity, particularly in primary care and mental health settings. As part of a series on how the Affordable Care Act affected minority health last January, we wrote about workforce diversity. The ACA invested $100 million to expand scholarships and loan repayments for disadvantaged and minority students; provided large grants to historically Black Colleges and Universities for academic support, faculty development, and research surrounding health issues; and created $67 million in Health Profession Opportunity Grants (HPOG) for low-income families.

The authors of the focus group study point out that the perceived and actual barriers for minority students in the health professions pipeline are similar to those for other science degrees and fields, and that interventions can affect diversity across a broader set of careers. One closely related field is health services research, which the Leonard Davis Institute and other Penn institutions support through the Summer Undergraduate Minority Research (SUMR) program. Now in its 16th year, SUMR provides stipends for students to conduct research with Penn faculty on a topic of their choice. These programs are an important step in addressing barriers for minorities who want to help advance the nation’s health.

Will price transparency affect hospital provision of less profitable services?

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

The question of whether and how much hospitals cross-subsidize unprofitable services with more profitable ones is an important one, especially as wide variation in hospital pricing within and across markets is documented. If prices become more transparent, and a hospital’s revenues from high-margin services drops, will hospitals reduce the amount of less profitable services they provide?

For a hospital’s bottom line, not all service lines are alike. Some are quite profitable (such as cardiology or neurosurgery) while others are low- or no-margin (such as psychiatry, substance abuse treatment, and trauma), partly because they attract uninsured and underinsured patients and partly because operating margins for these services are slim and in some cases even negative. Cross-subsidies are often considered the principal mechanism through which hospitals provide unprofitable care, thereby fulfilling their social missions. But they’re hard to detect in hospital accounting systems.

In the first study to quantify this effect, LDI Senior Fellows Guy David and Lawton R. Burns and colleagues Richard C. Lindrooth and Lorens A. Helmchen, estimated the magnitude of cross-subsidies within hospital systems. They studied how market entry by specialty cardiac hospitals (high-margin services) affects the provision of psychiatric, trauma, and substance abuse care (low-margin services) by general hospitals. They found that general hospitals facing new specialty competition decreased their admissions for unprofitable services and increased their admissions for a profitable service (neurosurgery).

Consistent with cross-subsidization, reductions in the volume of psychiatric, substance abuse, and to a lesser extent trauma care were greatest among the hospital systems most exposed to a potential loss in volume of their cardiac services. Their model estimated reductions of 15% for inpatient psychiatric admissions, 18% for substance abuse admissions, and 5% for trauma admissions.

Their findings indicate that intensified price competition for profitable service lines due to price transparency may have the unintended consequence of reducing the volume of less profitable, though important, services a hospital provides. But perhaps that would not be a bad thing. As pointed out in the study, research from industries such as telecommunications and transportation finds that regulated cross-subsidies are a highly inefficient way to supply unprofitable services (especially considering the alternative of direct subsidies coupled with competition).

As David and colleagues note, their results should make us question whether to continue to rely on hospitals’ assumed ability to cross-subsidize unprofitable, yet social desirable services.  It may be that internal cross-subsidization is not an efficient way of reaching social goals, and that setting Medicare and Medicaid reimbursement at a level high enough to preserve access to such services is a better option. The movement toward price transparency may hasten that day of reckoning.

Physician Pay-for-Performance – Learning From the British

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

“How do we close the gap between the care we actually provide and what ought to be provided?” This was the question posed by Dr. Martin Roland to open a recent seminar at Penn. Roland’s research focuses on the implementation of pay-for-performance schemes in the United Kingdom’s National Health System (NHS). He has found that the evidence of impact on quality of care is modest and mixed.

Roland, who is the RAND Professor of Health Services Research and Director of the Cambridge Center for Health Services Research at the University of Cambridge, has studied the United Kingdom’s experience with the Quality Outcomes Framework (QOF). This pay-for-performance scheme, established in 2004, provides financial incentives to general practitioners (GPs) for improvements in clinical care, practice organization and patient experience.

Providing a behind the scenes view of the QOF’s development, Roland explained how the British Medical Association (BMA), representing the physicians, and the British Department of Health (DoH), representing the government and its contracts with individual GPs, negotiated the program for about 15 months. The BMA had demanded that doctors should be paid more, while the DoH asked for something in return for that extra payment. According to Roland, “quality was what the BMA offered to convince the Treasury that doctors weren’t getting something for nothing.”

Did they get the ‘quality’ that was promised? Sort of. In 2014, Roland and colleagues published findings in the British Medical Journal showing that the QOF reduced emergency hospital admission rates by 2.7% in its first year (2004) and 8% by 2010. The study looked only at conditions that were deemed to be “ambulatory care sensitive conditions” meaning those for which improved quality of care by GPs would make a difference. The authors commented that the decrease is “…larger than would be expected from the changes in the process measures that were incentivised, suggesting that the pay-for-performance scheme may have had impacts on quality of care beyond the directly incentivised activities.”

The evidence based on clinical quality indicators, however, is harder to find. In a New England Journal of Medicine policy report, Roland commented that: “Clinical care probably improved after the introduction of the QOF, though the effects were not compelling and were difficult to disentangle from other ongoing quality ­improvement initiatives.” These other initiatives include changes to national guidelines and the introduction of public reporting of quality of care.

In the NEJM report, Roland noted that the QOF has had some unintended consequences, including some evidence that the program has had adverse effects on the quality of care for conditions that were not included in the program. He also discussed the potential for physicians to game the system in order to maximize income by cherry picking healthier or less complex patients, although he notes that these practices have “not been as widespread as administrators feared.”

The unintended consequences were not all negative, though. At the Penn lecture, Roland explained how clinical data, extracted from the electronic records that the QOF required, has been used to create nationwide public reports on quality of care. The program brought electronic health record adoption from 40% to 100%,  and as a result, he said, the United Kingdom has an electronic medical system that is “built for recording quality, rather than billing.”

The QOF also resulted in a significant shift in the role of nurses and other staffing structures for GP practices. In the NEJM report, Roland writes: “First, there was an increase in nursing staff, with the management of major chronic diseases such as diabetes increasingly moved out of regular response­mode consultations into nurse­run, protocol­driven clinics. Second, there was an increase in administrative staff so that family practitioners could have rapid access to data on their performance.”

The evidence regarding the QOF pay-for-performance program’s ultimate impact on quality of care is mixed, according to Roland. “There is evidence that outcomes improved, but I wouldn’t want to oversell it.” He maintains that there is no magic bullet for quality improvement. “Efforts to improve quality of care with single, short-lived things rarely work. Major improvements are possible if you use multiple and sustained quality improvement strategies.”

For more on physician incentives, and how to make performance measures meaningful, see this Q&A with LDI Senior Fellow Amol Navathe.

 

The Price of Responsibility: The Impact of Health Reform on Non-Poor Uninsureds

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

While the Affordable Care Act has achieved a second victory before the Supreme Court and produced significant coverage gains, it might also have produced a less positive outcome: in an NBER working paper, Penn LDI colleagues Mark Pauly, Adam Leive and Scott Harrington found that a large portion of non-poor (measured by income above 138% of the poverty level) who gained coverage now have a higher financial burden and lower welfare (well-being) than when they were uninsured. The authors call this extra burden a “price of responsibility” for complying with the individual mandate to purchase coverage.

To evaluate the change in financial burden and welfare, the authors compared the out-of-pocket payments made by uninsured people before the ACA with premiums and out-of-pocket payments made after gaining coverage. The authors also estimated the positive effects of health coverage, such as higher use of services and protection from catastrophic medical bills. Even so, the model found that non-poor adults who went from uninsured to insured were paying higher premiums (even with subsidies) and, surprisingly, more out-of-pocket fees. While the burden was lower for those with lower incomes, because of subsidies for premiums and co-pays, the burden across all levels of income was positive – meaning that the average non-poor adult who gained insurance under the ACA had a higher financial burden after purchasing insurance.

The authors estimated that subsidy-eligible people with incomes below 250% of the poverty threshold likely experience welfare improvements that offset the higher financial burden, depending on assumptions about risk aversion and the value of consuming more medical care. However, even under the most optimistic assumptions, close to half of the formerly uninsured (especially those with higher incomes) experience both higher financial burden and lower estimated welfare.

Stated succinctly:

“Persons with low incomes may fare better after the ACA, but those formerly uninsured at higher incomes not in poor health consistently are worse off.”

The implication here is that middle class people with low perceived health risk might prefer to remain uninsured and pay the penalty for violating the individual mandate. Reluctance among healthier and higher-income uninsureds is no surprise, but this paper appears to be the first to robustly measure the actual trade-off they would have to make in purchasing insurance.

Given that insured people use more than twice as much health care as uninsured people, it is not so hard to imagine that formerly uninsured people now have more responsibility for premiums and co-pays. But how did the authors conclude that the upsides of insurance – risk protection and actual services – are not enough to outweigh the financial burden and create “positive welfare” for newly insured people?

One reason is that most of the formerly uninsured were receiving some amount of free care (“bad debt” or “charity care”) before the individual mandate took effect. What’s changed is that people are on the hook for premiums and co-pays to receive that same care, plus other services that might not have been provided for free. The authors acknowledge that, for individuals who are low-income or at a high risk for expensive care, purchasing insurance can lead to improved welfare from additional health care services. Looking out across the entire group of uninsureds, though, the benefit of additional health care services does not appear to outweigh the increased financial burden, even with subsidies.

The surprising findings have sparked reaction from across the economic blogosphere. Matthew Martin from Separating Hyperplanes proposes one explanation: “the ACA is especially goofy in that much of the redistribution is confined to within the new individual market – even though people with employer-sponsored coverage are generally both wealthier and healthier. We have community rating within large employers and within the new individual market, but there’s no mechanism to redistribute between each of these pools.”

Writes Tyler Cowen from the blog Marginal Revolution: “I’ve read so many blog posts taking victory laps on Obamacare, but surely something is wrong when our most scientific study of the question rather effortlessly coughs up phrases such as […] ‘Average welfare for the uninsured population would be estimated to decline after the ACA if all members of that population obtained coverage.”

He continues, “the best thing to do is to improve it from within. Still, there are good reasons why it will never be so incredibly popular.”

For their part, Pauly, Leive and Harrington conclude: “It will be important to examine the level and pattern of these increased financial burdens to judge whether they are of sufficient social value to justify their imposition.”

Patient-Centered Medical Homes and Appointment Availability for New Patients

This post was originally published for the Health Policy$ense blog of the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics.

Enhancing access to primary care is a key component of a patient-centered medical home (PCMH). But little is known about how PCMH status affects the availability of appointments for new patients. In a new analysis of “secret shopper” data, LDI Senior Fellows Jaya Aysola, Karin Rhodes and Daniel Polsky found that PCMHs were 1.26 times more likely to offer a new appointment and 1.36 times more likely to schedule an after-hours appointment than other primary care practices, with no differences in average wait time for a new appointment.

The data were collected in 2012-2013, prior to full implementation of the Affordable Care Act. Trained field staff placed more than 11,000 phone calls to more than 7,000 primary care practices across 10 states, posing as new patients seeking a primary care appointment. Previously, findings from the study showed differences in the likelihood of scheduling an appointment by type of insurance, and the important role played by federally-qualified health centers and rural health clinics in assuring appointment availability to Medicaid patients.

While just 5% of practices in the study were PCMHs, the difference in new appointment availability may take on increased importance as the model is more widely adopted and as millions of non-elderly adults gain coverage through the ACA.

Why might PCMHs have more new patient appointment availability than other practices? It could be simply because they make a concerted effort to make access to appointments easier, as part of their overall policies on enhanced access to care. Beyond this, the data are silent. Another hypothesis is that the efficiencies created by PCMH processes may allow for greater patient panel size. There is debate, however, on whether these efficiencies will instead be applied to improving the care for existing patients. The authors note:

Some believe that PCMH will expand panel sizes and assert that global payment schemes would naturally incentivize this over fee-for-service models. Others expect that PCMH practices will keep panel sizes low and increase the intensity of services provided to existing patients, by lengthening patient visit times to improve the quality of care and minimize provider burnout.

The study did find differences in average daily census per physician between PCMH practices and non-PCMH practices. Most physicians in both PCMH and non-PCMH practices saw an average of 20-­39 patients daily, but fewer PCMH providers saw more than 40 patients daily than those in other practices. However, the study found no significant relationship between average physician daily patient census and access to new appointments, and so the question remains an open one.

The PCMH model: what we know

Patient Centered Medical Homes (PCMH) are primary care practices that are accredited by the National Committee on Quality Assurance (NCQA) according to a set of standards that focus on enhancing access and continuity of care, identifying and managing patient populations, tracking and care coordination, providing effective care management, self-care and community support, and measuring and improving performance.

The PCMH model is still in its infancy; the NCQA proposed operational standards for recognizing practices as PCMHs in 2008. Given the time needed for “practice transformation,” and the wide variation in performance on the scale that the NCQA uses to evaluate PCMH-certified providers, comprehensive and reliable evaluations have been difficult to conduct.

A 2013 systematic review found evidence of a small positive effect on patient experiences and  delivery of preventive care services, but concluded that current evidence is insufficient to determine effects on clinical and most economic outcomes.

A recent study by Aysola and colleagues found that most patients enrolled in PCMHs within the University of Pennsylvania Health System didn’t even know that they were in a PCMH. Patients uniformly lacked awareness of the PCMH concept, and the vast majority perceived no PCMH-related structural changes, regardless of the degree of practice-reported PCMH adoption.

As the PCMH model spreads and evolves, and providers are able to move past meeting a list of standards and move toward meaningful transformation – in areas such as appointment flexibility, care coordination and remote support –more useful data on PCMH performance and outcomes should emerge.